Sinn Fein Manifesto Analysis

Sinn Fein present themselves as a relatively ‘far left’ leaning party who tip-toe between the lines of socialism and a more standardised version of left wing politics. SInn Fein’s roots are with a more radical left wing agenda balanced by a modern take on left wing politics which scales back on some of the traditions of socialist thought. However, their opinion on the national question remains as fervent as it has even been, as Sinn Fein can easily be described as the most nationalist party in the assembly. This holistic commitment to nationalism and all of its accompanying ideals would explain why they want to retain some part of their socialist identity with the commitment for a 32 county socialist state being an early nationalist goal. This commitment has, at times, been tested when entering government with the DUP who hold a completely opposing ideology. This coalition has produced a need for both sides to make concessions on their own ideas to see any progress made on policy issues. This could explain why there has been a general softening of Sinn Fein’s position, as their place in leadership has created a compulsion to dilute some ideas for the overall progression of the party.

Sinn Fein received a 49% left rating due to their manifesto.

This placed them as slightly less left wing than their fellow nationalist party, SDLP (who are often criticised for being less decisive than Sinn Fein on ideological issues). This result can still be viewed as fulfilling Sinn Fein general left wing ambitions as a political party even if it puts them well outside the realm of being a socialist party supporting a far left agenda.

Sinn Fein’s score was partially dragged down by a set of centre right leaning policy positions which were scattered throughout their manifesto. One of which being a reliance on not-for-profits to help out society in place of the government and their support of SME taking up government contracts instead of a reliance on the civil service in some issues. This was supplemented by a set of tax reductions which, while intending to help those in the lower tax brackets, followed a centre right method of helping that section of society. These examples do paint a picture of how Sinn Fein intends to use centre right policy when needed to help the people in society who are usually attracted to left wing ideals (working class). At the same time it makes Sinn Fein a more palatable option for businesses and higher income earners who do want to see a nationalist agenda progress but not harming their own business interests.

On the other side of things, Sinn Fein’s support for far left leaning policy follows a trend as well. They generally only support a set of far left policies which have become more acceptable in recent years to adopt and will attract young and disillusioned set of voters to your party. For example, while using a centre right approach to tax in one part of their manifesto, they also mention the need to ensure that certain members of society (the mega rich) must play their part in paying for local infrastructure and services. Punishing bankers and regulating the banking sector is looked at indepth, converting agency nurses to health sector nurses and putting in place a living wage for those in the public sector all contribute to a realistic and practical idea of far left policy.

In conclusion, Sinn Fein’s manifesto does not betray a commitment to left wing politics even though it does not commit to a far left agenda as is sometimes reported. They are realistic and reasonable on the right wing ideals they need to adopt and the left wing ideals which they have to leave behind. It all contributes to a vision for the future of Sinn Fein, accepting their role as a major player in politics on the island, instead of playing a bit part due to ideological purity.

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